of jatras and julus'

Terai Kids

Some of the kids from our neighborhood in Bardibas.

arresting development in nepal

It has been just over one year since I first arrived in Nepal to take up the task of working as a management advisor for a small, indigenous Nepali NGO. Before embarking on my trip, I was encouraged—thorough talks with Nepali experts, and recent studies—that the Maoist insurgency that had racked the country for eight years was in its dying days and was confined to some of the more remote areas of the far western reaches of the Kingdom. The realities on the ground, however, were something quite different—almost immediately I learned that Maoist (and often agitating political parties, as well) called strikes, demonstrations and blockades effected life throughout the country, albeit, on a limited scale in the Kathmandu Valley, and were an almost daily occurrence.

My first assignment was with a small NGO working for the upliftment of dalit (the so-called untouchables) women in the southern Gangetic plain of Nepal, referred to as the Terai. My home then, Mahottari district, posts some of the lowest social and economic indicators in the country. Among dalit women, literacy rates are in the single digits or very low teens; dalit and other marginalized communities live separately in simple villages of the most basic adobe huts typically with no water or sanitation facilities. Dalit and other lower castes are denied almost total access to the public sphere—restaurants, tea houses, Hindu temples—and are forced to perform (and are often punished if they do not) the most menial of tasks: removing dead animal carcasses from towns; cleaning human excreta. In these areas, although the Maoist insurgents enjoyed some support due to their rhetoric of equality and development for all, strikes and blockades brought life to a virtual standstill. The wholesale abduction of schoolteachers for “re-education” was common, and Maoists and security forces alike reeked havoc on villages—raping, looting and generally threatening families caught in the crossfire to the point of numbness and indifference. Maoists killed villagers accused of complicity with the government; security forces killed villagers accused of sympathy towards the Maoists. Village Development Committee (locally elected bodies) offices were boarded up and secretaries resigned en masse.

During my first year, all attempts at renewing a cease-fire and instigating peace talks failed. Moreover, efforts to bring in the UN as a mediator in the conflict were rejected and debunked despite the dearth of indigenous solutions to the gridlock. The Royal Palace reinstated the disposed Prime Minister with the agenda of bringing about a cease-fire or calling elections if the Maoists refused to join the process. Mass demonstrations, rallies, blockades, strikes and mass killings and abductions, however, continued unabated. The horrific murder of 12 Nepali hostages in Iraq brought more grief and sorrow to this remote Kingdom, with, of course, more demonstrations and rallies that followed. The collective psyche of this Himalayan Kingdom remains battered and fractured.

When the King assumed control of the government on February 1, placed political party leaders under house arrest, enacted a state of emergency and promised to restore peace to the country, you could almost forgive the majority of downtrodden Nepalis for their initial euphoria—many Nepalese were willing to pay almost any price for peace.

Now two weeks into the state of emergency, life in the Kathmandu Valley continues mostly unaffected. More security forces patrol the streets of the capital these days, but the King has taken some minor measures to placate the masses: the price of cooking gas has come down and a beautification campaign in Kathmandu has commenced. For those of us engaged in human rights and development work in Nepal, however, these are trying and troubling times. Most political party leaders remain under house arrest, censorship of the domestic press is absolute and decrees banning public gatherings remain intact. Outside of the Valley, however, life has ground to a halt. A Maoist imposed indefinite blockade and strike has stymied public transportation and movement and despite the “reopening” of some VDC offices, most people remain close to home due to fear for their own life and safety. In some areas, security forces are as much maligned as Maoists insurgents. Caught in the crossfire for almost a decade, many do not know whom to trust.

Most western missions—and India—in Nepal have issued statements appealing for the reinstitution of multi-party democracy, the release of party leaders and human rights activists and the reinstatement of the most basic human rights. Indeed, as I write, many ambassadors are in their home country for consultations about how to proceed. For its own part, the US has issued a 100-day ultimatum for the restoration of multi-party democracy or risk losing all military and other forms of aid. International NGOs, too, seem shell-shocked as they contemplate their next move. Only reputable organizations like Amnesty and Human Rights International have issued statements—without a carrot or stick to dangle in front of the palace—demanding the immediate release of human rights activists and the restoration of basic human rights. The Association of International NGOs (AIN) in Nepal remains sharply divided between those that support a rights-based approach—how can we not speak out—and those favoring a more neutral stance.

As one of the poorest countries in the world, the recent coup staged by the King does not have any real tangible effect on the majority of Nepalis. Indeed, it is common knowledge that the government, in whatever form, only controls the Kathmandu Valley with Maoist de-facto administrations holding sway over wide swathes of the remote countryside. That much has not changed. For development aid and organizations, however, the task has become that much more difficult. It’s a sad irony that much of the development aid in Nepal takes a rights-based as opposed to needs-based approach to development focusing on sustainability through the good governance measures of accountability, transparency and empowerment. The palace takeover will only damage and set back many of the efforts, achievements and impact that have been made over the past decade(s).

My own work currently focuses on the eradication of child labor in Nepal with my organization implementing programs in the hard hit and impoverished southern part of the country. In this area, Maoists are known to “recruit” children into their corps while, at the same time, the local government refuses to enforce and earmark the necessary resources for education for all measures—with many of the poorest areas lacking even the most basic infrastructure. A dalit rights EU project that I helped design, for example, which called for dalit group formation and public forums demanding their rights, could now be threatened and disbanded as a danger to public security under the auspices of the current state of emergency. Remote villagers that demand education facilities and teachers for their children could be jailed under the current draconian measures to squelch public gatherings.

While Maoist atrocities over the past eight years are deplorable and to be condemned, His Majesty’s—and here we also include the Royal Nepalese Army—total control over the country will only continue to jeopardize the people who have been victims of the conflict all along—the majority of Nepalese that crowd a congested zone of poverty and underdevelopment. Transcending the current milieu of violence and conflict—through the immediate resumption of multi-party democracy (with all of its flaws) and the realization of a cease-fire and peace talks (with the assistance of the UN if necessary)—is the only viable means of bringing about a lasting peace and stability to Nepal.

Saraswati Weekend

This is the weekend that I thought of many of you, dear readers, writers, poets, artists and the general learned bunch that you are. Yesterday was Shripanchami or the Goddess Saraswati festival—the venerable goddess of learning and the arts & letters: she rides a swan and plays the sitar. And we have the good fortune of living in the area of the Blue Saraswati temple—on Stupa alley just off of Blue Saraswati street, in fact—so our neighborhood was buzzing with lots of activity: a fresh coat of paint for the temple; the clanging of bells inside the compound; balloon and pushcart ice cream vendors set up under the big peepal tree; the smell and smoke of incense wafting down the narrow lanes. The temple walls were covered with chalk drawings, graffiti and characters of the Nepali script—Shripanchami is a particularly auspicious day to take your son or daughter to the temple to etch their first Nepali alphabet character on the temple wall, many with the help of their parents. Shripanchmi is also supposed to warrant the arrival of spring, and if the last couple of days are any indication then it will be a very nice one.

In good saraswati fashion, I went to Didi (older sister) Bahini (younger sister) day at the organization of the same name. There were the usual speeches and accolades for supporters of the organization and a street drama by the youth group (the drama is one of the most used advocacy tools among NGOs in Nepal)—a usual production of an overachieving daughter being urged by her parents to give up dreams of higher education and anything other than finding a good husband. The father, of course, favors the lackluster son and when the daughter appeals to the sensibilities of her mother, she is normally told by her mother that there’s nothing she can do. Only when tragedy befalls the son do the epiphanies of everyone come to the forefront. The street dramas are particularly fun to watch for the reactions of other spectators, who normally hang on every word. Nepal is a country that traditionally acted out day(s) long versions of the Ramayana or Maharabarta or other religious epics.

At night I took advantage of a VSO invitation to the British Ambassador’s residence (no, I don’t normally get invitations to such events, but this was for a merger between VSO and another British professional sending organization) for a reception. I’ve been once before, and the gluttonous array of drinks and finger foods is hard to pass up. One needs not miss a beat from one gin and tonic to another… He’s a nice enough bloke—the British Ambassador with whom I share the same first five letters of a surname—but he remained tight-lipped about the political situation, opting instead to profess his wife’s commitment to the dalits of Nepal. Apparently the pool used to be available to vsoers on the weekends until some unfortunate skinny-dipping incidents….

The indefinite maoist bandh has begun, but there are, as of yet, no indications of that in Kathmandu. Outside of the Valley, however, traffic and life has come to a halt. Some traffic is coming into the Valley via armed security forces escort and apparently there are security forces every 2 kilometers or so outside of KTM. The US Ambassador laid out his 100-day ultimatum on Friday afternoon: restore some semblance of multi-party democracy or risk losing all earmarked aid. I imagine this is mostly lip service for now, since the last thing anyone wants is for the Maoists to be able to swing the political parties over to their side and start an all-out civil war. The Indian and British governments have been making similar rumblings and the INGO community is still mulling over its next steps. Both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch Intl have weighed in with public press releases, the former calling for the release of the head of Nepal’s most activate human rights organization with the unfortunate acronym HURPES. He’s considered Nepal’s foremost human rights activist. Slowly, the palace has been releasing some backbenchers and lower level party wonks and there are hints that the former prime minister will be released in the coming days, but so much is rumor and the newspapers are still nothing more than kindling.

Today as I brainstormed ideas for a early childhood marriage eradication program linked with out overall child labor abolishment projects (particularly as a means of getting more girls, especially dalit girls, to remain in school not to mention just upholding their rights) we spotted a story in the papers of a 65-year old man marrying a 9-year old girl in the southern part of the country. Yes, it’s illegal (and also very uncommon between the very old and very young), but it also indicates the kind of social norms and traditional customs that we are up against.

Other than the Guardian (and a few things from the BBC World Service) a good source of news not found in the papers here is available via the International Nepal Solidarity Network at: http://insn.org

vishnu's coup

only slightly censored

It’s been a rather dark week of gray skies and intermittent rain; however, when
the skies have cleared, we’ve been afforded spectacular views of the vast
Himalayan ranges—quite a treat this time of year. My office, however, is
something of a meat locker, as many if not most of Nepali offices tend to be,
so I have taken to keeping a hot water bottle on my lap to keep my hands
warm—that, and many, many cups of chai. It’s not as if we experience blizzards
here in the KTM valley, but due to the lack of heated buildings—there aren’t
any—it’s hard to shake the chill in one’s bones. As I cycle to work in the
mornings, I see group after group of women standing in some sunny spot, woolen
shawls wrapped around their bodies revealing only their eyes, warming
themselves—everyone, seemingly, outside of their brick and concrete dwellings.
The normally active street dogs curl up wherever the sun shines—a pile of
gravel, a heap of rubbish—normally in the vacant lot cum building supply
storage area opposite our house. Cows, not much bothered, still try to figure
out the potentiality of consuming pink plastic bags…

I ventured to the immigration office yesterday as the one-year anniversary of
our arrival in country quickly approaches. As my official visa appears to have
found a permanent home on the desk of some bureaucrat in the ministry of social
welfare, women and children, I am forced to get a temporary tourist visa until
the official one is approved (renewed), and this process requires that the
immigration officer personally have a look at my passport. It’s all a bit of a
drama, really: I need some sort of valid visa in my passport in order to get an
extension on my official visa, yet even though it is in the process of being
renewed, that does not count, and seeing as how the tourist and official visa
bureaucrats don’t communicate very well, I am compelled to say that my work has
finished and I only need a visa to do a bit of sightseeing… There, with a motley
crew of buffed out trekkers and new age seekers, I wait my turn in the queue.
Meanwhile, the immigration officer—whose approval I need—stands outside with a
group of friends or colleagues picking his nose (side note: the pick is
normally an auspicious sign—at the Indian Embassy, the consulate officer while
approving my visa with the all important red pen, picked his nose with the left
hand while flicking the bounty nonchalantly into the air. The pick is a good
sign) and holding hands with his colleagues. It’s all very chummy and
inefficient at the same time. A few hours later, he returns to his desk, flips
through the pages of my passport and seems satisfied enough for approval. I
managed to complete a couple hours of work at the office later in the
afternoon…

Having travelled and lived enough in Asia (and not meaning to pigeonhole too
much), this process is all too familiar and not frustrating at all. Signs of
anger or displeasure get one nowhere generally, not to mention being my style,
and so whether my patience has developed out of necessity or inner peace
doesn’t matter so much as does tolerance being the key. Of course every
country has its own idiosyncrasies and difficulties (witness the US’s own
immigration service now shelved under the homeland security), which anyone who
has travelled or lived abroad knows all too well. Would an official visa
(separate line at the airport for diplomats and officials! Although, sadly, not
often manned) from the government be this easy? And would I be able to come
away with this much material?

February 1, 2005

All of the rumors and scuttlebutt have come to a head—this morning His Majesty
took to the airwaves to announce that he was assuming control of the
government, suspending multi-party democracy for the time being, placing party
leaders—the [former] prime minister included—under house arrest and declaring a
state of emergency. I will first say, dear readers, that things are blissfully
calm in the capital despite all phone lines, including mobile service, and
electricity being cut in addition to the closing of the international airport
eerily just minutes before the King made his announcement. Indeed, the
omnipotence of such a move is downright Orwellian, yet, despite the
overwhelming presence of security forces on the streets and the rumbling of
tanks and army vehicles on the main thoroughfares, things are quite calm and we
are in no immediate danger. In a stroke of genius and learning well from past
demonstrations mobilized through mobile and phone communications, His Majesty
has decided to take no risks in this instance. Declaring a state of emergency
means that civil liberties have been suspended and public gatherings can be
disbanded through the barrel of a gun… We await the morning to see what will
transpire.

Readers will recall that I mentioned rumors of such a move back in December, and
so today’s move seems mostly to have been expected. Although His Majesty is not
much liked in Nepal—in spite of being an incarnation of the god Vishnu—my
cursory chats with Nepalis indicates that his announcement is mostly welcome in
a country beaten down by a civil war with no real end in sight. The King has
given himself 3 years to solve this crisis, which seems like a long time, but
given the pace with which most matters move in this country, it may, indeed,
take that long to achieve a lasting peace. I doubt, however, that the King has
entered into the fray without an exit strategy, but then again, certain circle
estimations that he has absolutist monarch tendencies may be true…

Feb. 2

Things are still calm this morning, yet, despite the clampdown on domestic news
services, BBC World Service reports condemnations from the Indian and US
governments, the latter being almost laughable considering balloons floated out
of Washington lately about the development of a worldwide network of enemy
combatant containment facilities, or whatever they are being called—habeas
corpus lifetime denial centers. Yes, censorship and restrictions on public
gatherings is part of the current state of emergency in Nepal, but it is
telling that the writ of habeas corpus has been upheld.

Telephone service is still down and apparently no flights are entering the
country, but other than that there is no siege mentality in Kathmandu. Life
seems to be going on as normal although a lot of ex-pats, like myself, having
taken a day of leave from work until communications are restored.

What waits to be discerned is how the official maoist leadership will react to
this news. Of course, one of the maoist demands is abolishing the monarchy all
together; on the other hand, the Maoists have always demanded that negotiations
be held directly with the King—this presents them with a dilemma. In some
sense, the Maoists are probably smarting today that the palace has stolen some
of their thunder and swiftly commandeered the agenda in their own court. Still
the King himself doesn’t seem to be helping himself too much with appointment of
Ranas (the former ruling dynastic clan) to his royal council, and this no doubt
will be used as fodder against him. While the King made conciliatory gestures
to the Maoists in his speech welcoming them to the negotiating table, he also
mentioned in the same breath that he would not waver in crushing the Maoists
should they continue with their aggressive strategy.

The latest bit of news is that the Maoists have stated that His Majesty’s
assumption has absolutely closed the door on negotiations… and so we go round
and round again.

And what will happen with development aid that flows into this country (which is
higher this year than last by the way)? India has already commented that the
continuation of aid would be dependent upon Nepal’s restoration of some
semblance of multi-party democracy, but then again, India—facing its own
Naxalite separatist movement albeit not as serious—already receives waves of
illegal immigrants from Nepal—mostly from the hard hit areas—and would not want
to see this situation become worse than it is. I doubt that this move, at least
now, would affect the aid schemes of the UK, US and northern European
countries—the biggest contributors to Nepal’s foreign aid.

Feb. 3

Communications were restored briefly last evening for about 30 minutes
apparently, but this morning again they have been cut. Today was scheduled,
pre-government sacking, to be a Maoist transportation strike, but a lot of
Nepalis seem to be defying this order. I will venture out at some point to see
if public transportation is running—a key indicator during Maoist strikes.
Motorcycles and taxis with blacked out license plates (particularly the latter
which can jack up prices during strikes) sometimes defy these strikes anyway in
the capital, but trucks and buses are not normally that brave… Mostly calm; I
await a working phone line…

Feb. 4

Something new: first ever birthday celebrated under state of emergency…